How Merkley Won, part two

Kari Chisholm FacebookTwitterWebsite

In this installment, I'd like to take a look at the county-by-county election results in the Senate race.

As I wrote on the morning of election day, while the goal statewide is to get more votes than the other guy, that's not always the case county-by-county. And that makes sense when you dig in: To win statewide, a Democrat has to pile up big majorities in Multnomah, Lane and Benton counties, minimize the losses in Eastern Oregon, etc.

Here's a funny behind-the-scenes story for you. On Election Day, when I wrote that item, I said that Jeff Merkley had to get 70% in Multnomah County. Merkley campaign manager Jon Isaacs sent me this personal note (which he's given me permission to post here), disagreeing with me:

Hear me on this - We're going to blow up the county map tonight. We are NOT going to get 70% in Multnomah, but we are still going to win. Why?

Because we're going to do better than the typical Dem in Clackamas, Marion, Lane, Jackson and Deschutes (and maybe even Umatilla).

That's my crazy prediction for tonight.

As it turns out, Jon was exactly right. Merkley finished with 69% of the overall vote in Multnomah County, and he did better than the typical Smith opponent in Clackamas, Marion, Lane, Jackson, and Deschutes. (Well, OK, he was wrong about Umatilla, Smith's home county.)

I compiled the county-by-county results for each of the previous three races against Gordon Smith - Wyden '96, Bruggere '96, and Bradbury '02 - and then compared the average Democratic vote across those three campaigns (one win, two losses) to Jeff Merkley's vote in 2008.

(One note: to compare apples to apples, the percentages that follow are just the two-party percentage -- ignoring any minor- or third-party candidates, i.e. Smith + Merkley = 100%.)

What's stunning is how strong Jeff Merkley's performance was across a broad swath of Oregon. This was NOT just a matter of big liberal majorities in Multnomah and Lane counties. Merkley did better than the average Smith opponent in 25 of the 36 counties. In 20 counties, he improved on the average by 2% or more - while Smith improved by 2%+ in just two counties. (Here's the data.)

As Paulie Brading notes, Jackson County is getting blue-er, and so are many other counties across the state.

In particular, I'll note rapidly-changing Hood River County - where Wyden got 50%, Bruggere got 46%, Bradbury got 42%, and Jeff Merkley got 55%. Also, the all-important Washington County, where Wyden got 50%, Bruggere got 47%, Bradbury got only 39%,and Jeff Merkley picked up 51%.

Even deep-red timber-producing Douglas County had a strong Merkley performance: Wyden 32%, Bruggere 34%, Bradbury 28%, Merkley 37%. And yes, Paulie, Jackson County is turning blue - Wyden 40%, Bruggere 42%, Bradbury 40%, Merkley 46%.

Here's a pair of maps that illustrate the point -- the first is the traditional, geographic map. The second is a population-adjusted cartogram. (Note: that's census population, not registered voters.)

Merkleysmithchangemap_2

Merkleysmithchangecartogram_2

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    Kari,

    Any comments on how you think JM would have done without Barack Obama at the top of the ticket?

    In both instances of being a Presidential Election and Gordon Smith running for the senate he's lost. Narrowly both times. To Wyden 48-47 in '96 and now he's lost 49-46 to Merkley in '08.

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    Actually, Smith's loss to Ron Wyden was in a special election.

    Shortly thereafter, he won against Tom Bruggere in the 1996 regular election.

  • rw (unverified)
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    The economy here has never recovered since it started bleeding out in 1999. After nearly ten years of flatness and continued bleeding from losses, it makes a kind of sense that possibly only diehard ideologues would still be supporting those who have had the control and deepened our crisis. What amazes me is that a campaign would have to be so hard-fought when it is clear that service was not rendered properly by the current holders of fortune...

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    kari,

    Great analysis. As a poly Sci grad, I love this stuff. I am also glad that our little exercise in getting a web site on Smith going was noted. I believe that was helpful early on in getting Dems to recognize that Smith was not in fact a moderate.

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    oh that's right. too many blasted two senate elections in the same year.

  • Stefan (unverified)
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    Damn, love that map weighted by population. It really puts things in perspective.

    BTW, I hope that everyone notices that Medford/Ashland and Bend are the two most important (and fastest-growing) areas outside of Eugene and Metro Portland, and that turning them blue should be a top priority over the upcoming cycles.

    There's my tip for "the rest of Oregon". Carry on.

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    Any comments on how you think JM would have done without Barack Obama at the top of the ticket?

    It's hard to know. Political motivation is an egg that can be hard, if not impossible, to unscramble. I think it's fair to say that Obama's presence was a very strong positive. Then again, had the nominee been Hillary, maybe the outcome would have been similar.

    I think we can say, with a bit more definitiveness, that Obama's ad for Jeff Merkley - the ONLY one in the nation that he did - was a big positive factor. Could he have won without it? Sure. But it was positive. I'll have more to say on that shortly.

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    Thanks for the population-adjusted cartogram. Could we get one on the Presidential race as well?

    On one of the other posts, ws said that Oregon is still "a very red state." Of course that's only true if land gets to vote.

    The fact is that looking at the voting population, Oregon is a blue state. And by getting even more resources out into areas that are red/purple, we can do well in those areas as well. Obviously some people are going to always vote Republican. But others are willing to change their vote if they see the Democratic Party listens to them, has their best interests at heart, etc. Dean and Obama have proved that in 2006 and 2008. We've seen how their plans and the DPO's plans have done here in Oregon. Now we just need to continue to grow that so we have strong efforts in all 36 counties. And while some of that means our time and efforts, it also means our donations to keep everything up between elections.

    Which is why I highly encourage everyone to donate to the DPO. We've got to keep our efforts up in 2009 so that we're ready to go in 2010.

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    What's the basis for inferring that Isaacs was referring to a typical Oregon Senate Democratic candidate, as opposed to a generically typical Democrat in that county? It makes no sense to compare Merkley's performance to those from elections past, in totally different election environments. Further, as pointed out the Wyden election wasn't even a general election.

    To suggest that Isaacs was even close to his prediction strains the facts pretty hard. In fact, in every single county he named, Merkley did THE WORST among all Democrats running statewide--Obama, Brown, Westlund and Kroger. Look at the results yourself, for Clackamas, and Lane, and Marion, and Jackson, and Deschutes. I didn't bother with Umatilla.

    Not only did Merkley not do better than a "typical Democrat" in any of those counties, he did worse than ANY of them. Maybe you throw out Kroger because he's functionally unopposed, but Brown, Westlund and Obama all ran better in counties where Democrats don't necessarily fair well. (Brown did worst in Lane, but that's clearly a Dancer Effect).

  • mp97303 (unverified)
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    How Merkley Won

    The answer is simple, he got more votes than Smith did. Gee, what was so hard about that?

  • Bill Hall (unverified)
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    Kari--You've labeled Lincoln County as Tillamook (and vice versa).

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    Bill -- Argh. Thanks. Fixed.

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    Kari, thanks for the excellent analysis -- I suspected that Merkley did well in non-Willamette Valley counties, and it's great to see that validated in detail.

    As an aside -- I think it would be a great public service if you'd be willing to release the base cartogram (i.e., without the coloring, and other things that are specific to this race) into the public domain. It would be really great to include this on Wikipedia -- for instance, on the list of counties in Oregon. Would you be so inclined?

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    Actually, if you look at the counties Isaacs mentioned (except for Umatilla which I did not check), Merkley did the WORST of any statewide Democrat in each of them, except for Brown in Lane (for obvious reasons). Why you would compare Merkley to Senate candidates from other electoral environments, as opposed to other Democrats in the current environment, I don't get.

    There is a comment awaiting moderation because it has the links to the county pages showing the comparisons between Dems in each county. Can an editor push it through for me? Thanks.

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    TJ, there are lots of comparisons that could be interesting -- in this case, I think Kari is providing an analysis that's based on the campaign's internal thinking, which revolved around how Gordon Smith, specifically, had fared in prior elections. I think it clearly causes room for skepticism around the oft-repeated claim that Merkley won simply by dominating the Willamette Valley.

    As Kari has conceded, it doesn't utterly debunk that claim, as there are factors it's impossible to control for (such as the positives or negatives of the upticket choices).

    But that seems to be the point of the post. Comparing different statewide races would be interesting too, for different reasons. Care to do the honors? (If there were a publicly-redistributable county cartogram, that would be a fairly easy task...HINT, Kari, HINT.........)

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    TJ -- Nothing wrong with a horizontal analysis. That might be interesting, though I suspect that Gordon Smith was more well-known and well-liked than folks like Rick Dancer, Allen Alley, and Mike Erickson.

    Going into 2008, there were lots of folks arguing that Smith couldn't be beat. To me, the interesting data come from understanding where Merkley improved over Bradbury and Bruggere.

    I found that comment and published it.

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    "Comparing different statewide races would be interesting too, for different reasons. Care to do the honors?"

    How do you mean, beyond gathering the relevant county results and comparing how the Dems did? Kari's published the held comment, which has the links to those county results here. Check em out. (Thanks Kari)

    Kari, if you're doing a comparison of Democrats, it makes little sense to me to frame it based on the varying profiles of Republicans (as you do when comparing Smith's popularity to Alley or Dancer, for instance). You could obviously say the same thing about Merkley relative to Brown or Westlund (at least the well known part). And to compare Democrats across completely different environments distorts the frame IMO as well--would you really honestly compare a Dem House candidate in 2008 vs one from 1994, when Democrats lost 54 seats, for instance? The mood regarding Democrats as a generality was completely different--as it was in 2002. And of course the special election with Wyden doesn't compare at all.

    If the trouble is that Smith is so gosh-dog well liked, how about in a county like Multno, where he is NOT liked, and he was crushed with 27% of the vote? And Multno is obviously Merkley's home base, including his old House District. Yet Merkley fared worse relative to Obama, Brown and Schrader (for the Multno portion of OR-5), and just a couple points better than Westlund. Heck, Avakian did better as well.

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    And to compare Democrats across completely different environments distorts the frame IMO as well--would you really honestly compare a Dem House candidate in 2008 vs one from 1994, when Democrats lost 54 seats, for instance?

    I certainly don't mean to imply that there was something personal about Bill Bradbury or Tom Bruggere. The environments WERE different - especially in 2002, when Bradbury came out against the war but Oregonians were still feeling terrorized by 9/11.

    I'm not going to sit here and argue that my vertical comparison between Smith's four opponents is the end-all-be-all of political analysis (as you seem to think I'm doing). I just presented it as one way to look at the data.

    As Pete noted, it's informed as much by pre-election strategic thinking as anything... i.e., where are we going to find us some votes?

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    (If there were a publicly-redistributable county cartogram, that would be a fairly easy task...HINT, Kari, HINT.........)

    OK! OK! Here it is. Note that each county has its own unique color, so just use a paintbucket tool set on non-contiguous fill with zero tolerance, and you should be good to go.

  • Shirley C. (unverified)
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    I'm less concerned with the Obama factor than with the way he ran a clean campaign, without bear baiting, then the DNC came in with attack ads about immigration.

    Exit polling largely gives those ads. enough clout to be the diff., no?

  • Sarah White (unverified)
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    From my experience talking to hundreds of voters in Marion County the ads and the messaging in general are what turned a lot people off, as Shirley suggests. I talked to many devout liberals who simply would not vote in the Senate race, which likely accounts for the huge Merkley undervote we saw in MC.

  • Chuck Butcher (unverified)
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    I have nothing against Kari's analysis, but I do have something against using this election cycle to create an impression of huge change. Elections can signal changing attitudes or they can indicate special considerations.

    Merkley's campaign faced some large obstacles, incumbency is always a big deal, large papers/chains in Smith's pocket, a long term propaganda program to paint Smith as moderate, the natural resistance to change. Obama could be taken as both an advantage and disadvantage, I would put his overall effect as positive for Merkley, but I note the disadvantages simply because lost votes are still lost votes.

    Some of these factors are special, it is unusual for a major paper like the Oregonian to perpetuate a myth in the face of contrary evidence, it is really unusual for something like the moderate propaganda to hold sway as long as it did, and as widely accepted as it was.

    I don't want to engage in a "land voting" discussion, what I want to get at by pointing to Baker Co is that we (our sort of Co) are canaries in the coal mine, when something other than new residents move a vote blue-ward you know you are gaining ground. I'm not talking about a county in Alabama, I'm talking about Oregon - Baker Co is not that unusual for Oregon. I'm certainly not talking about a Baker Co vote that mirrors Multnomah's, but seeing it in the 40s for statewide Democrats would have a real meaning about depth of support and message appeal.

    I'm real disinclined to take this year's General Election as having a lot of political meaning beyond its own self.

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    Kari, thanks much for providing that. The specific Creative Commons license you chose won't let it be posted on Wikipedia, but it's still a great tool to have available for future blog analyses, etc. Bookmarked, and much appreciated!

  • Ron Buel (unverified)
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    Kari:

    I find many of your points well-taken, and I really appreciate the data.

    Here is a different way to think about the race:

    Merkley ran well behind Obama.

    Merkley raised an incredible amount of money, and spent way more on advertising in this State than Obama did.

    Merkley was a remarkable candidate. He had the support in the primary, against a serious opponent who almost beat him, of all 30 members of his own Democratic caucus in the House. What confidence in him that support showed. I was amazed that we did not learn this from his advertising, in the primary or in the general.

    Merkley said he was going to run the biggest volunteer campaign in the history of Oregon. He did not do so. While he held a lot of coffees when he was in the state, he spent a lot of time out of state raising money. In those coffees he did hold here, he mostly focused on raising money, not on harvesting volunteers. Merkley did not put up 16,000 lawn signs in Oregon with volunteers, like Bob Packwood did when he ran against Wayne Morse in 1968 -- Jeff's lawn sign effort was weak. Merkley volunteers did not canvass an amount equivalent to what the Bus Project canvassed this election for house candidates -- 60,000 doors. In the 1976 Mayor's race, the Goldschmidt campaign persuasively canvassed WITH VOLUNTEERS every door with a registered voter in Portland, well over 100,000 doors at that time. A lot of the Merkley calling was done with paid personnel. Much of the phone calling in the Merkley campaign was not done with volunteers. I did not see much on the web asking for volunteers -- it too was focused on raising money, including a last ditch Isaacs Internet pitch to raise money to pay phoners. The campaign people I talked to did not say the campaign was involved in a persuasive volunteer effort. They said the national money coming in dictated a focus on IDing people and getting out the vote. This is a short-term, narrow strategy that is not favored by people who believe statewide candidates who contact voters should help build the progressive base by offering persuasive points for their candidate as part of the pitch. Asking people how they are voting and then getting the yeses out to vote is not an effective base-building volunteer effort.

    Someone who ran a serious volunteer campaign would focus on the places where the Democratic voters are -- the Portland Metro area, Eugene, Corvallis/Albany, Salem, Jackson County and Deschutes County. They would spend a lot of time in those places recruiting volunteers, by the candidate, in person. Then they would run a big effort there with the recruited volunteers. But Jeff took time out during the summer for his 100-small-town tour. I would compare it to Nixon going to all 50 States in 1960.

    I was not surprised that Tim Hibbetts reported in the Tribune in September, well after the negative Smith campaign had trucked out their ridiculous ads on capital furniture and showing Jeff stuffing his face with a hot dog, that 45% of the Democratic voters in the KATU-Tribune poll had an unfavorable opinion of Merkley. These D voters did not know Jeff. They did not know friends who were volunteering in his campaign enthusiastically. They did not see lawn signs on their streets. They did not receive e-mails or phone calls soliciting their participation as volunteers in the campaign.

    They did, however, see millions of dollars spent from out of state sources pounding the heck out of Smith, (and for good reason and with valid points, of course).

    I am very happy that Jeff won. He will be an outstanding Senator. When I watched him in a debate on tv, and when I went with invited friends to a coffee, he acquitted himself very well on the issues, which was hardly a surprise for anyone who knew him.

    But I am disappointed by the cumulative effect on the electorate of all of the negative campaigning, paid for in part by all this money that Jeff attracted from out of State. He tried to distance himself from the out-of-state negative advertising that he said was not developed by his campaign. His own Merkley ads were excellent. But when you spend a lot of your time attracting the money that paid for all that negative advertising, it is hard to distance yourself from it.

    The cumulative effect of all of the negative campaigning with out-of-state money by both candidates is to cause our democracy to regress. It makes it harder to attract people to run. It makes it harder to believe in the true public servants like Jeff Merkley, when they do get elected. Mark Weiner at the City Club said that negative advertising is here to stay "because it works." That's fine, Mark, but do the ends justify the means? Are we really better off as a State for all of what was pushed at us on television by out-of-state money for both candidates?

    I personally think that Merkley could have run ahead of Obama. Many Senate candidates around the nation, in red states and blue, against incumbents and not, did so. But Jeff would have had to design a campaign that was very much different than the one he ran.

    It is too bad that winners do not learn lessons from their victories. This is a case when some of the lessons that should be learned are not entirely about how well Jeff's winning campaign did.

  • LT (unverified)
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    Ron, Thanks for your remarks.

    It is time to have such discussions---in both parties.

    Just saw Gov. Jindal on TV saying similar things at the Republican Gov. conference. About the need to propose solutions. About the need to be as gracious as McCain was in his concession speech. About how everyone should admire the technical excellence of the Obama campaign and realize the need to be equally excellent. About Republican governors showing it is possible to experiment in states and then have policy debates about how their solutions are the best solutions to a problem.

    But most of all, he said "a party can't win if their bumper sticker slogan is 'vote for us because we are not as bad as they are', and no one is going to win respect by condoning behavior they wouldn't tolerate if the other party is doing it".

    Yes, there were great victories on election night. But there were also disappointments (esp. at the legislative level).

    Ron said, " Mark Weiner at the City Club said that negative advertising is here to stay "because it works." That's fine, Mark, but do the ends justify the means? Are we really better off as a State for all of what was pushed at us on television by out-of-state money for both candidates? "

    Great question about ends justifying means. Another good question is the one about whether staffers in a caucus campaign office understand a jurisdiction better than the volunteers and voters who live in that jurisdiction.

    Somewhere I heard a discussion of the difference between negative/contrast campaigning, and "beyond the pale".

    Obama saying "McCain voted with Bush 90% of the time" and the anti-Obama ads like "dangerous" and "palling around with terrorists" were used as examples. The first type provides substantive information on voting record. The second is just a nasty character attack. People who might gain information from the first type just get angry about the 2nd type.The discussion was about the need to maintain the first type of ad but get rid of the second type as not only disgusting but also counterproductive.

    If a commercial makes people angry enough to mute the sound, change the channel, vote for the candidate being attacked, contribute money or time to the candidate being attacked, in what sense does the ad "work"? And are voters really going to trust anyone who says the second type of ad has to be tolerated because it "works"?

    And about this: "The cumulative effect of all of the negative campaigning with out-of-state money by both candidates is to cause our democracy to regress. It makes it harder to attract people to run. It makes it harder to believe in the true public servants like Jeff Merkley, when they do get elected. "

    If wonderful things happen in the next 2 years, Democratic incumbents should have an easy time getting re-elected, regardless of the efforts of DSCC and DCCC or their Republican opponents. If things don't go well, being a caucus target may not be that much help.

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